U.S. History of Building Construction and Fire Safety Essay Example for Free

U.S. History of Building Construction and Fire Safety Essay The construction of modern buildings has been constantly improving in providing world class architectural designs and durable construction materials that can help buildings withstand earthquakes and even fire hazards. It is the prime responsibilities of engineers and architects to ensure the building’s safety. Presence of skyscrapers and other high-rise buildings have become symbols of urban landscape. In planning the construction of buildings the safety of the occupants should always be consider. That is why there are building codes and specific safety measures and devices to make the buildings safe from danger. Building disasters usually comes from natural cause like earthquakes that is why earthquake proof buildings were constructed. Others are due to human factors brought by neglect or by terrorist attacks which can cause fire explosions inside building infrastructures. The U. S. history of building constructions had undergone necessary improvements and adjustments to their construction and planning in the passage of years to meet the safety standards of buildings therefore reducing the casualties in times of disasters. Fire safety and preservation of people’s lives are now the main focus in building structures and has been the greatest challenge for engineering firms. It is the goal of developers, architects, engineers and safety officials to conform to safety codes to prevent lost of lives due to fire and earthquake hazards. Building fires and structure failure are investigated and analyzed to understand the factors that contribute to the catastrophe. The investigations will establish the likely technical causes of the building failures and evaluate the technical aspects of emergency response and evacuation procedures in the wake of such failures. The goal is to encouraged improvements to the way in which buildings are designed, constructed, maintained and used. (National Institute Of Standards and Technology, 2008) History of Building Construction Changes in the Context of Fire Safety and Prevention Fire protection engineers with the help of science and technology develop means to protect people and property from fire. In designing new buildings or renovations to existing buildings, fire protection engineers develop the plan for fire protection. Fire protection engineering has evolved significantly over the past several centuries. Early application of fire protection engineering was intended to prevent conflagrations that could destroy whole cities. In the early 1900s, the primary objective of fire protection engineering was to limit fire to its building of origin. As fire protection engineering advance, this objective was refined to limit a fire to its object or room of origin. However it wasn’t until the later part of the 20th century that fire protection engineering had matured to the point that it included the fundamental tenets of professional and personal discipline. (Hurley, 2008) In 1800 English inventor John Carry designed the first crude automatic sprinkler but it went underdeveloped for a long period of time. In 1852 a patent was issued for first sprinkler-perforated pipe system which was the first recognized installation of fire protection equipment. In 1921 California passed a law forbidding wooden shingles on roofs but pressure from the roofing industry brought repeal. (Aurora Regional Fire Museum, 2008) A comparison of the 1968 and the 2003 New York City building code was conducted where the reference standards, compartmentation, construction, means of egress, fire suppression systems, fire alarm detection, signaling systems, emergency power and smoke and heat venting are analyzed. Reference standards include the standard method of fire test for construction materials, standards test for surface burning characteristic of building materials, installation of fire doors and windows. It also dealt with installation of air-conditioning and ventilating systems, installation of sprinkler systems, standpipe, water supplies, smoke detection, alarm and extinguishing systems. Safety codes for elevators, dumbwaiters, escalators and moving walks are also improved continuously. Occupancies are classified if they are primary occupants or secondary. Occupancy separation is also important. Roof construction including beams, trusses and framing, arches, dome, shells, cable that supported roofs and roof decks also. Fire and smoke dampers are also important. Means of egress is also evaluated. The required width of the means of egress should not be obstructed or reduce in any manner. Every floor area should also be provided with at least two approved independent exits. (NIST, 2008) Examples of Major Cases in U. S. History That Led To Changes in Building Construction Major cases of fire incidents happen in different settings like hotel, industrial areas, hospitals, warehouses, restaurants, night clubs, and high-rise buildings. High-rise building fires differ from low-rise building fires. A high rise building can be described as structure more than 75 feet high while aerial ladder reaches only 75 feet. People trapped in a burning high rise building who cannot be reached by the highest ladder will usually leap to their deaths or remain trapped inside the buildings. (High-rise Fires, 2008) Interstate Bank Building Fires in Los Angeles, California The Interstate Bank Building Fire in Los Angeles, California that happened May 4, 1988 was one of the most destructive high-rise fires in recent United States history. The fire presented the greatest potential for a â€Å"towering inferno† scenario of any U. S. fire experience and was controlled through massive and manual fire suppression efforts. It demonstrated the absolute need for automatic sprinklers to provide protection for tall buildings. The fire destroyed four floors and damaged fifth floor of the modern 62 story First Interstate Bank Building in L. A. , claimed one life, injured approximately 35 occupants and 14 fire personnel, and resulted in property loss of over $50 million. The interior design was found to be a large open area with readily combustible contents that contributed to quick fire growth. The sound-power emergency phone system was also ineffective. Radio communication were overtaxed and disrupted by building’s steel frame. (High-Rise Fires, 2008) One Meridian Plaza Fire One Meridian Plaza Fire document was one of the most significant high-rise fires in the United States’ history. The fire claimed the lives of three Philadelphia firefighters and gutted eight floors of a 38 story fire resistive building causing an estimated $ 100 million in direct property loss and business interruptions. This fire was a large scale realization of fire risks that have been identified on other similar occasions. The most significant new information from this fire relates to the vulnerability of the systems that were installed to provide electrical power and the support fire protection effort. In this incident there was an early loss of normal electric power, a failure of the emergency generator and a major problem with the standpipe system, which all contributed to the final outcome. (High-rise Fires, 2008) Rockefeller Center High-Rise Fire On October 10, 1996, an electrical fire in the landmark Rockefeller Center in New York City required a five alarm response by FDNY to control the fire. The damage was cause by five separate fires in various electrical rooms that caused significant disruption to a major television network. At approximately 4 a. m. on Thursday October 10, 1996 an electrical fire occurred at 30 Rockefeller Center Plaza in New York City. Several fires broke out in five remote locations, filling many areas of the building with smoke. The fires presented a challenge for the New York City fire department because of the varied locations of simultaneous fires and the confusing layout of the building. The Rockefeller Center is actually a complex building that is interconnected. This incident as analyzed by the NFPA has inadequate circuit protection, failure of the building alarm system to transmit the alarm, lack of smoke detection in the areas of the fire. If the fires have been detected earlier, they probably would have been easier to extinguish. The confusing building layout made the fire fighters to have a difficult time locating the fires. (High-Rise Fires, 2008) The World Trade Center Fire The collapse and fire incidence of New York’s City’s World Trade Center structures following the terrors attacks of September 11, 2001 was the world’s worst building disaster in recorded history killing about 2,800 people. More then 350 fire and emergency responders were among those killed, the largest lost of life for this group in a single incident. In response to the WTC tragedy, the National Institute Of Standards And Technology conducted a 3-year building and fire safety investigation to study the factors contributing to the probable cause of post impact collapse of the WTC towers (WTC 1 and ) and WTC 7 expanded its research in areas of high priority need such as prevention of progressive collapse, fire resistance and retrofit of structures, and fire resistive coatings for structural steel and is reaching out to the building and fire safety communities to pave the way for timely expedited considerations of recommendations stemming from the investigation. (NIST, 2008) 9/11 Terrorist Attacks Impact to Building Construction The goal of NIST or National Institute of Standards And Technology was to investigate the building construction, the material used, and the technical conditions that contributed to the outcome of the World Trade Center (WTC) disaster. It will serve as the basis for improvements in the way buildings are designed, constructed, maintained and used. The revision of codes, standards, practices and improved public safety are recommended. The primary objectives of the NIST-led technical investigation of the WTC disaster are to determine why and how WTC 1 and 2 collapsed following the initial impact of the aircraft and why and how WTC 7 collapsed. Determining the reason why the injuries and fatalities where so high or low depending on the location, including all technical aspects of fire protection, occupant behavior, evacuation, and emergency response. Identify as specifically as possible areas in building and fire codes, standards and practices that are still in use and needed revisions. (NIST, 2008) The eight major groups of recommendations included are: 1. ) Increased structural integrity, 2. ) Enhanced fire resistance of structures, 3. ) New methods for fire resistance design of structures 4. )Improved active fire protection 5. ) Improve building evacuation 6. )Improve emergency response 7. ) Improve procedures and practices and lastly 8. )Continuing education and training for fire safety. The standard for estimating the load effects of potential hazards like progressive collapse or winds and the design of structural systems are observed. Enhanced fire resistance of structures involves procedures and practices used to ensure the fire resistance of structures. It is enhanced by improving the technical basis for construction classification and fire resistance ratings. New methods for fire resistance design of structures includes practices used in fire resistance design of structures. Performance based methods are an alternative to prescriptive design methods. (NIST, 2008) This effort should include the development and evaluation of new fire resistive coating materials and technologies. Evaluation of the fire performance of conventional and high performance structural materials was conducted. Improved active fire protection systems like sprinklers, standpipes/hoses, fire alarms, and smoke management systems should be enhanced thorough improvements to design, performance and reliability. Improve building evacuation should be improved to include system designs that facilitate safe and rapid egress. Methods of ensuring clear and timely emergency communications to occupants are encourage together with better occupant preparedness for evacuation during emergencies. Incorporation of appropriate egress technologies was observed. Improved emergency response technologies and procedures should be improved to enable better access to buildings, response operations, emergency communications, and command control in large scale emergencies. Improve procedure and practices are used in the design, construction, maintenance, and operation of buildings. (NIST, 2008) Conclusion Analyzing the factors that cause building fires is necessary to help reduce the number of casualties and loss of property. There are many organizations responsible in supporting engineers and building construction firms to ensure the safety of their buildings from fire hazards. These include NFPA (National Fire Protection Association), NIST (National Institute of Standard and Technology), ASTM (American Society for Testing and Materials), ICC (International Code Council) and UL (Underwriter’s Laboratories) a product safety testing and certification organization and the Skyscraper Safety Campaign. Different incidence of high-rise building disasters provides firefighters with knowledge of the extent of damage and how to prevent the disasters to happen again. Safety measures and upgrade of fire safety equipment in building construction should be prioritized. The lessons learned from various building fire cases can provide background knowledge of the factors contributing to fire incidence. The most recent and the worst building fire case is the World Trade Center fires which exposed the vulnerability of public buildings to uncontrolled fires, explosions and other terrorist attacks. (NIST, 2008) Firefighters and building developers should keep in mind the factors that contribute to success or failure of fire disaster prevention and response. This include basic things like firefighter extinguishment, emergency response, heating and ventilation and air conditioning systems (HVACs), standpipe system, portable radios, building construction and evacuation strategy. These factors contribute to the quality and standard of building construction’s fire safety and prevention. There are many threats to buildings safety but there are applicable means to reduce the destructive impact of building fire hazards and collapse. Coordination between the government officials, inspectors, fire protection engineers and developers limits the chances for building fires and accident. Buildings safety is achievable by reducing the risks of fire and danger to people’s lives. References Grosshandler, W. , (2003). â€Å"Abstract: Research and Development for the Safety of Threatened Buildings.† Building and Fire Research Laboratory. Retrieved October 8, 2008, from http://www. fire. nist. gov/ Hurley, M. , P. E. S. F. P. E. , (2008). â€Å"Fire Protection Engineering. † National Institute Of Building Sciences. Retrieved October 8, 2008, from http://www. wbdg. org/ â€Å"Construction Organizations. † (2008). Dezignare. com. Retrieved October 6, 2008, from http://www. dezignare. com/ â€Å"Executive Summary: Final Report of the National Construction Safety Team on the Collapses of the World Trade Center Towers (Draft). † (2004). NIST And the World Trade Center Publications. Retrieved October 4, 2008, from http://wtc. nist. gov. / â€Å"Final Plan: Federal Building and Fire Safety Investigation. †(2008) National Institute of Standards and Technology Retrieved October 4, 2008, from http://wtc. nist. gov/ â€Å"Fire through the Ages: A Timeline. † (2008). Aurora Regional Fire Museum. Retrieved October 8, 2008, from http://www. auroregionalfiremuseum. org/ â€Å"High-Rise Fires. † (2008). Special Fires. Retrieved October 8, 2008, from http://www. iklimnet. com/

The Human Genome Revolution in the Rio Grande Valley :: Genes Biology Argumentative Essays Papers

The Human Genome Revolution in the Rio Grande Valley Most, if not all, of the technological and scientific advances throughout history, were influenced by the burning desire to discover, to know, and to be in control. The ambition to acquire knowledge has led mankind to embark on controversial and risk full, yet promising and intriguing fields, such as genetic research and study. In our modern day world, genetic research, or what we know as the genome revolution, has caused unceasing turmoil and controversy; however, behind all the ethical and religious opinions lies the hope for a brighter future for humanity. Whether we realize it or not, genome research brings with it many benefits, as well as new subjects of debate closer to us, in our community- the Rio Grande Valley. The Rio Grande Valley is populated with a vast majority of Hispanic people. A Hispanic myself, I know that our people are passionate lovers of our culture and faithful followers of our faith. Many Hispanics do not favor genome research, (human cloning in specific), because it is an insult to the Christian faith, which holds God as the one and only creator of life. The knowledge of the human genome structure, equips man to become "architects" of life. Beyond the concern of man creating man, lays the uncertainty of the spiritual being and integrity of the newly created human clones. In an area where Hispanics are the dominating ethnic group, conflicts are definitely sure to arise between those who oppose and support cloning. The Rio Grande Valley is also an agricultural area, and genome research provides new and more perfected techniques for farming and cultivating. These modern processes, are far more perfected than latter day techniques, and result in higher quality products, in much larger quantities. Greater and faultless productivity will promote and generate better business opportunities for agricultural companies in the valley. In return, employees of these companies will receive better salaries. It is important to keep in mind that many Hispanics do not only support their immediate family but also those that are away from them, like elderly parents. In this way, the Rio Grande Valley's inhabitants will be greatly benefited. Hispanics are prone to many diseases already inscribed in our DNA, like diabetes, high blood pressure, heart failure, as well as many others.

The Development of Populism in Argentina and Peru during the 20th Century

The paper will study populism as political movement widely used in the countries of Latin America throughout the twentieth century. The methods applied and the progress of populism will be investigated on the basis of political history of two countries: Argentina and Peru. In order to fulfil thorough examination, the paper will narrate the main narrate the main aspects of populism and then compare and contrast its Argentinean and Peruvian versions. Finally, all the findings of the paper will be summarized and analyzed in the conclusion.The term â€Å"populism† was used to describe the politicians who claimed that they represent the interests of â€Å"common people† as different from those of the powerful or rich.[1] Populist movements were not class-based. Though ideologically they were incoherent, they tried to be inclusive. The leaders were mainly charismatic and personalistic. The style of the leadership was demonstratively nationalistic, which meant that it was base d either on native traditions or pseudo traditions of the country.As a rule, populists evinced their deep concern for social justice, reform, betterment of the working class, and removing marginalization by integration of impoverished people into society. The class conflict was portrayed as alien. The core of populists’ promises was making necessary changes without altering the basic nature of society. Populist parties claimed that they knew all the answers for national problems and those who opposed them were not true patriots of their nation. Populists usually sought alliance with unions and tended to build a centralized state where power was concentrated in the hands of the president.According to Joel Horowitz, populism dominated in political history of Argentina.[2] Due to populism modern Argentina has unbridgeable schisms in its today's society, rhetoric and style of its politics. While the process of development, involved major sectors of society and attracted the suppo rt of masses of Argentineans. Populists called themselves the savours of the nation and the opponents of populism were defined as enemies of the people. In this way, â€Å"politics revolved around movements that won strong allegiances but excluded their enemies.†[3] It caused a range of military takeovers, with the subsequent massive violence, where both military and civilians were involved.The early stages of modern political system of Argentina and the first attempts to implement populist policy can be traced from 1980, when the Radical Party made and attempt to overthrow the government. Though this attempt failed, the radicals (Unià ³n Cà ­vica Radical) demonstrated their opposition to the existing political system and called for fair elections. It constituted a serious threat of revolution in Argentina because the party was supported by the middle class of society.   However, many of the leaders of the radicals were from elite. The Radical leaders appealed directly to the working class of Argentina.Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen ( 1852-1933), a son of a woman from the elite and a Basque blacksmith, became the first prominent politician who started his career as a leader of the radicals and obtained popularity by using the methods of populism. He created the mechanism of a modern political party and easily outmaneuvered his rivals. He made himself a symbol of the radical party, represented its hopes and developed his leadership into a whole cult of his personality.However, Yrigoyen did not use the methods that characterize a conduct of a modern populist. He infrequently gave speech and rarely appeared in public. Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen wrote very little ‘for popular consumption’ and his written works were difficult to understand. Yrigoyen’s utterances contained insufficient political philosophy. Also, after becoming a president, Yrigoyen did not show a particular interest in any political program, instead, he seemed to be interested in pow er itself and its expansion. In addition, Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen did not campaign using oratory of most populists or the flamboyant gestures. The strong points of his authorship were based on creating jobs and dispensing patronage.Even from its early stages of development populism in Argentina relied on police and police chefs in particular. Under the presidency of Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen, Buenos Aires chiefs of police functioned as key operatives and settled labor conflicts. The importance of police can be brightly illustrated using the example of Elpidio Gonzà ¡lez’s career path. Gonzà ¡lez attempted to achieve the position of vice president, and minister of interior by gradually moving from minister of war, to the level of candidate for governor of Cà ³rdoba, one of the most importance provinces, and then to police chief in Buenos Aires. Thus, under the policy of populism, â€Å"A good police chief was a man for all seasons.†[4]The early populist Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen appealed to new groups of society and promised changes without altering social underlying nature. Yrigoyen was a marginal member of oligarchy and rural elite. As a result, while speaking on class conflict, he continuously attacked the ill-defined rural-based elite and the oligarchy, which attracted support middle and working classes of the country. Also, Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen popularity among common people was strengthened when he started to treat people with low income as the true members of society. Later, in the 1940s, this approach was used by another charismatic populist leader- Juan Perà ³n.Some populist gestures of Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen were too obvious. Thus, in 1917 when workers went on strike at a meatpacking plant, he refused to give an interview to the leaders of the cattlemen's association Sociedad Rural, which was considered to be most important social and economic group in Argentina. Such an attitude was noticed by the newspapers, and soon one of the chief national new spapers publicized an article were it emphasized that the leaders of the cattlemen's association were received not with the same attention as the striking workers of the plant.[5]While his presidential campaign, Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen turned to the native-born working class which was rapidly growing at that time. Yrigoyen understood that the working class of Argentina could be a huge potential source of voters. This became possible due to influential ideology of Syndicalism. In 1910 Syndicalism turned into a vigorous labor movement that disdained bourgeois and proclaimed revolution through a general strike. Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen was willing to ally with Syndicalists because they did not have other political ties and would block the growth of Yrigoyen’s serious rival – the Socialist party.The government of Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen did not interfere with the activity of Argentinean Syndicalism and, moreover, made steps to satisfy demands of strikers, for example, to improve the ir conditions, to employers to accept the role the unions in hiring workers. Of course, later the role of Yrigoyen in settling early strikes was stressed by his publicity during the 1927-28 presidential campaign.In 1930 the most celebrated wave of populism flooded Argentina. Argentinean government that ruled from the period of 1932-1943 mainly belonged to neoconservatives, who included the members of traditional landed elite and tried to keep up a pretense of democracy. The exigencies of the Great Depression forced the implementation of the policy of import substitution industrialization that prompted rapid expansion of Argentinean urban working class. From 1932 to 1943 quick urbanization and industrialization in Argentina alienated the expanded already working class from the rest of society, and this process prepared the ground for the social crisis. The military takeover changed the situation radically by giving the power to the military group and their leader Col. Juan Domingo Pe rà ³n ( 1891-1974).Col. Juan Domingo Perà ³n became the next major populist leader in Argentina. According to the article Populism and Its Legacies in Argentina authored by Joel Horowitz, Peron can be described as â€Å"a tall, commanding figure and a powerful speaker, had the ability to charm people and win them to his side. He was one of those rare politicians imbued with genuine charisma.†[6] He, like his predecessor Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen, also turned to working class, though strengthened his power with the help of the army. In late 1943 Perà ³n was appointed to occupy the position of vice president and minister of war. In October Perà ³n already became head of the National Department of Labor, which served as a platform the implementation of his approaches to labor, setting contacts with unions and winning over the hearts and minds the working class of Argentina.The policy of Col. Juan Domingo Perà ³n had two directions: first, Perà ³n favored and assisted many units to accomplish the major part of their long-sought goals; second, he started repression against uncooperative organizations. As a result of a pro-labor direction, the government enforced labor laws, such important ones as making contracts with workers, for the first time in the history of Argentina. It balanced the powers of capital and labor in the country, increased wages and improved the organization of unions.On the other hand, Peron fought his rivals by using repression, which made his regime completely authoritarian. The leaders of Socialists and Communists had to live under the constant threat of being arrested. In order to survive, other political forces, for example, the Communist Party, had to go underground. The rivalry with Communist unions was supported by the government, which also prohibited cooperation with them. As a result, such important unions as textiles, meatpacking, and the metal trades were destroyed.Peron personally appealed to unions. His charisma always he lped his to achieve a desired effect. Peron stressed the importance of the unions while speaking to them: â€Å"I come to the house of the railroaders as if it were my own. I profess a profound gratitude to them, because I am convinced that many of the successes of the Secretariat . . . are due precisely to the railroad workers.†[7] In his speech, Peron presented himself as one of the workers, as their equal, and frequently emphasized how he cared about them. This approach was successful, since workers had been socially and politically isolated by the previous regime.Still, according to Horowitz, Peron ca not be viewed as a dictator. He was truly a populist, and the methods of repression can be explained by his desire to expand his bases of support.[8] An important reason of why Peron achieved enormous popularity in his country, as Horowitz states, was the fast economic growth. It was estimated that during the first years of Peron’s presidency, hourly wages grew 25 per cent more, and in 1947 increased almost at the same rate. The percentage of national income that was going to workers also went up 25 percent. However, some sectors, for example, agriculture, did not benefit from the populism of Peron. Agriculture was squeezed for the sake of the urban sectors, the economy of which showed the highest rates of growth in 1946 and 1947. Nevertheless, in 1948 the economy of Argentina started to deteriorate.Peron’s populism improved political and social status of women in the country. In 1947 women of Argentina received the right to vote due to the activity of Peron’s wife – Evita. Evita initiated the campaign for women's suffrage. She also created a separate Peronist woman's party in Argentina, the leader of which she soon became. Women’s branches stretched across and soon captured the whole country. This was one more factor that encouraged popularization of Peron in Argentina, for â€Å"When Perà ³n ran for reelection in 1 951, he received a much higher percentage of votes from women than from men.†[9]Among other things, populism in Argentina was established on media. Peron managed to set a cultural hegemony that revised Argentina's vision of itself. Bearing in mind political influence of media, cultural hegemony was highly important although very difficult, since the movement of populism did not have any consistent ideology. Rituals were reformed and gained a â€Å"Peronized† meaning, for example, the celebration of May Day became an important national holiday to emphasize the benefits of hard labor and the role of the working class. Generally, all the holidays were invented to provide the idea of harmony and prosperity that existed under Perà ³n. School curricula focused on Catholic values. Many provinces and cities in Argentina were named after Perà ³n. Monuments to the charismatic leader were erected all over the country.Like in Argentina in 1930, the need to install a new regime in Peru was evoked by the situation brightly characterized by Steve Stein in The Paths to populism in Peru: â€Å"The old regime could no longer respond to the powerful social and economic changes brought on by urbanization after World War I. This was especially true in and around the capital of Lima. The old political elite was morally and politically bankrupt.†[10] But unlike the movement in Argentina, populism of the thirties in Peru consisted of two competing with each other populist movements: the party of Luis M. Sà ¡nchez Cerro and Và ­ctor Raà ºl Haya de la Torre who was the leader of the APRA party.The period of the thirties was marked in Peru with significant growth of the working classes political activity. This situation differs from that of Argentina. Though the working class of Argentina also increased in number in the same period, it suffered greatly from political and social isolation. The working classes of Peru were more active: â€Å"working-class mobs st aged demonstrations and rioting that destroyed his residence and those of some prominent supporters. During subsequent months the working classes dominated the urban political scene.†[11] Also, unlike the experience of populism in Argentina, Peru’s first notable steps in this policy and the first prominent populist leaders appeared only in 1930, which was much later than in Argentina.Like the political situation of Argentina in 1930, populism of Peru came to power due to political crisis. However, the crisis of Peru was much deeper, that even the further existence of the nation was doubted. One of Peruvian generals described the climate of despair and fear that intensified with the fall of Repà ºblica Aristocrà ¡tica: â€Å"Although it is painful for us to confirm it, unfortunately it appears as if a streak of ignorance, of madness, has invaded us, wresting from us our most innermost feelings of nationality.†[12] Conservative politician Và ­ctor Andrà ©s Bela à ºnde deplored that â€Å"the very bases of civilized life threaten to disappear.†[13] All these words referred to crisis, collapse and the following political vacuum, which occurred due to the fall of the elite-controlled political system of Repà ºblica Aristocrà ¡tica that had been in power since 1895.The two populist movements Sà ¡nchezcerrismo and Aprismo (APRA) were headed by Sà ¡nchez Cerro and Haya de la Torre and came to Peruvian government through elections in 1931, which was a more civilized way in comparison with that of Peron’s. Mainly, the movements did not differ from each other. They both were vertical, patrimonial, with the relationships which were built on loyalty between leaders and their followers. The members of the parties were accepted from all the levels of society, which also contrasts with an anti-bourgeoisie, anti-elite and anti-oligarchic character of Argentinean populism.However, unlike that of Sà ¡nchezcerrismo, the vertical structur e of ARPA was based on strong ties between some social groups: the head of the party and unions, professional or employee associations. The leader of Sà ¡nchezcerrismo, Sà ¡nchez Cerro, on the other hand, tried to avoid any references to recognized social l or occupation categories, stressing on principle of one-to-one commitment to each member of the party.Sà ¡nchez Cerro, like Peron, also understood the importance of the working class and tried to take a pretense of friendship with common people. Luis M. Sà ¡nchez Cerro used his ethnic identity of a dark-skinned mestizo to show that he had common origins with masses. Since historically racism had a strong impact on political, social, and economic relations in Peru, Cerro’s image of the racial outsider became a powerful tool for gaining more support of the working-class. One of Cerro’s working-class followers once said: â€Å"He was of our race, and because of that all us working people supported him.†[14]T he image of the cholo candidate brought another advantage to Sà ¡nchez Cerro. The masses’ identification with the friend of common people became persuasive for the theme of his campaign: everyone could approach Cerro and personally ask to help or to do an individual favor. As a result, poor voters and supporters flooded Sà ¡nchez Cerro’s campaign headquarters. The availability of Sà ¡nchez created the notion that he was generous and willing to help everybody. Cerro patted his poor supplicants on the back, sometimes gave them money from the pocket or an article of clothing. Cerro spoke to his followers in simple language and used familiar forms ‘tu†, saying: Toma hijo, toma hija. Hijito, hijita, sà ­, ya vamos a ver † (Take this son, take that daughter. My little son, my little daughter, yes, we'll look into that).[15]At the same time, Haya de la Torre adopted the role of â€Å"the father of the workers.† When the campaign for the 1931 elect ion started, la Torre became known as the father of APRA. As a result, his children were growing in numbers, as Stain put it, â€Å"far beyond a small group of union leaders, and high stakes were to be won in the election.†[16] The image of father taken by la Torre matched his contagious smile, personal warmth, and generally pleasing disposition. During his person-to-person conversations Haya revolved around daily problems of his voters, and always showed his sympathetic understanding and his readiness to help with pertinent advice.Even the enemies of Haya de la Torre could not help but envy Haya’s skills of physical expression. Eudocio Ravines, leader of communists once remarked: â€Å"He possessed an ingenious and friendly loquacity that gave people the physical sensation of being loved, set apart individually from among the rest. He was acute at discovering and focusing on the immediate and small problems of the people and treating them with a captivating friendlin ess, verbally showing interest in them.†[17]In 1930-1931 real or imagined access to the populist leaders in Peru attracted poor people to them who sought protection of the politicians from adversary and crisis. The Great Depression became such a crisis that worsened the condition of the poor. On the background of the deepening impoverishment of the workers, populist leaders Sà ¡nchez Cerro and Haya de la Torre were seen as generous figures who could help and protect them. So, as historians concluded, â€Å"far from radicalizing the Peruvian working classes, the depression drew them toward populist alternatives as the most faithful political embodiment of patrimonial social relations.†[18]After the military had cut short the populism of Haya de la Torre and Sà ¡nchez Cerro by suppressing their movements, the overtones of populism were present in later campaigns and political movements. The next eight years were governed by Odrà ­a, whose political style strongly resem bled that of Sà ¡nchez Cerro. Odria concentrated his attention on the rural poor that streamed into the capital in order to find jobs and charity. The president decided to develop a chain of ‘political charities’ to become popular among the impoverished people of the city. President’s wife Marà ­a Delgado de Odrà ­a frequently but very effectively paid visits to the slums, gifting poor with money and food, which soon was highly publicized. However, Marà ­a’s actions were disdained by the elite who claimed that they were just blatant imitations of Eva Perà ³n.Odria showed paternalistic approach in his policy when he ordered legalization and formation of squatter settlements of the growing lower-class population in Lima. Consequently, an impressive number of popular masses paid homage to president and his wife. The largest plazas of Lima became the places of pro-government demonstrations. In this case the respect the poor can be regarded as their paybac k the man who understood and treated benevolently their needs. This positively characterizes populism both in Argentina and Peru, because, in spite of the fact that the initial reasons of the politicians were quite pragmatic, the disadvantaged and the most impoverished of the country received warmth and saw the kindness which, probably, gave them hope for better life.The next populist in Peru Belaà ºnde evidenced his friendship with nation through the foundation of the National Front of Democratic Youth (FNJD). The supporters of Belaà ºnde, unlike the campaigns of the previous politicians who turned to lower circles of society, were among professionals students, and intellectuals. In addition, the hallmark of Belaà ºnde was dramatic symbolism, used in word and in action. Once, when the demonstration in his support was met by the police, ready to disperse the participants, he bravely tried to withstand the armed forces. Later it matched the symbolism of Belaà ºnde’s first message during the campaign in 1956: â€Å"Youth! That is the battle cry of the political campaign I have been invited to embark upon. . . . If I am needed in the moment of conflict, they will find me at their side, sharing their fervor and living their hopes with them.†[19]Nevertheless, when Belaà ºnde won the elections, his government showed reluctance to fulfill rhetoric and high-flown promises. For example, Belaà ºnde declared that all the lands would be affected by the new agrarian reform project. Instead, he exempted properties needed to make ‘industrial transformation of agricultural products.’ It resulted into the situation when all the valuable and significant land such as coastal sugar or cotton plantations was not available for the purposes of the redistribution program. Ultimately, the gap between words and actions disillusioned the masses and led to the failure of his populist policy. In 1969 Belaà ºnde was overthrown by military forces and the ne w Revolutionary government was installed in Peru.In general, paternalism and comforting of populist political leaders have always worked like societal narcotic in Argentina and Peru. Quite a paradoxical situation could be observed when the poor and desperate continue to vote for populist leaders whose democratic credentials are suspect. Later the populist policies of these leaders will hurt the very groups that vaulted them into office.   In Peru Alan Garcà ­a who wonderfully articulated his nationalist and anti-imperialist views caused the crisis of Peru’s economy. During Garcia’s five years of presidency from 1985-1990, Peru’s economy achieved the highest inflation levels of the history of the country. Due to the policy of Garcia, millions of Peruvians were impoverished; millions moved from poverty into extreme level of poverty. Thus, populism of Alan Garcà ­a promised Peru greatness but in reality ran the country into poverty, high inflation and even more misery.A key legacy of populism was in leadership style. The leader, irrespective whether he was in power or stayed abroad in exile, dominated his party. There could be internal struggles or conflicts within the party, but once they were settled by the leader, this became an unchangeable rule for the rest of the members. For example, in Peronist Party the role of caudillo was played by two men: Juan Perà ³n and Carlos Menem. Within the Radical Party, on the other hand, every leader retained his style and continued to dominate even when his popularity faded. Thus, the authority and strong positions were preserved by the following members of the Radical party: Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen, Marcelo T. de Alvear, Ricardo Balbà ­n and Raà ºl Alfonsà ­n. Even when the parties modernized their politics and adopted such attributes as conventions, the domination of their strong-willed leaders continued.The common tendency that populist leaders relied on support of army inevitably led to the exp ansion of the political role of the military in Peru to a higher rate than in Argentina. As it has been already shown in the paper, Peruvian armed forces were involved in most of political conflicts, which evidenced the removal of the army from its normal professional responsibilities. This tendency was not abandoned by neo populists, for instance, Fujimori used military support in his presidential coup to ensure success of it. In addition, Fujimori’s shadowy intelligence advisor implemented his considerable behind-the-scenes power while the presidential campaign. Thus, populism prompted the process of politicization of army. Dr. Kenneth Roberts in his work Populism and Democracy in Latin America pointed out that â€Å"A politicized military is necessarily a political actor that will be sought out by potential civilian allies and tempted to intervene on behalf of its own institutional or political interests.†[20]Thus, the main points of development of populism in Argen tina and Peru can be summed up, compared and contrasted in the following way:1.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Populism was first used as a policy to gain support in Argentina.2.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Populism has been bipartisan.3.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Populism has existed in both democratic and undemocratic regimes. In the case of Argentina the ruling of Juan Peron in the mid of twentieth century was undemocratic, while Peru’s leader Alan Garcia in the 1980s attempted to carry out populist policy together with the democracy4.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Commonly, populism was implemented by ambitious leaders to succeed in their political careers.5.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In both Argentina and Peru populism was successfully carried out by charismatic individuals who managed to appeal directly to the mass groups, for example, labor unions, the poor, and mobilize their political participation.6.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In both the countries the leaders who started the policy of populism promised to defend the interests of the â€Å"common people† by giving them jobs. In return, the masses support the leaders with their votes and social mobilization. In other words, promises, rhetoric comfort and pompous words are the tools of populists for capturing trust and votes of the masses. As Josà © Marà ­a Velasco Ibarra, the Ecuadorian populist put it: â€Å"Give me a balcony and the people are mine.†[21] As a rule, lofty promises of populism rarely come true, hurting by this most of the people that it claimed to represent.7.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Political careers of individual leaders built on populism always progress at the expense of economic growth of the country. Political leaders while fulfilling their lofty promised services roughly intrude into economic processes by implementing for example, expansionary monetary or fiscal policies, to produce an â€Å"economic miracle† for a short period of time. Ultimately, artificially created fast progress and breaking basi c economic principles and laws lead to economic collapse. Thus, the ambitions of populists always rebuff the well known truth that â€Å"there is no free lunch.†8.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   On the other hand, it would be wrong to conclude that populist governments always failed to manage economics. In the 1990s Argentine president Carlos Menem’s attempted to create a free market â€Å"miracle† that totally eliminated the hyperinflation in the country’s for a short period of time. But Carlos Menem’s â€Å"miracle† was grounded on the unsustainable accumulation of public debt, which in 2001 sent Argentina’s economy into a new depression.9.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In both Argentina and Peru military forces were involved into political conflicts, but Peruvian populism caused politicization of army.10.   Peron in Argentina was the first to use media as one more force of propaganda of populist ideology.11.   Methods and political styles of leader ship varied in Argentina and Peru and improved with the progress of the movement. However, Argentinean Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen built the mechanism of populism at the beginning of the century. Also, some gestures and approaches used in one country were repeated or imitated in the other, for example, the charity of Evita and Marà ­a Delgado de Odrà ­a, ect.Bibliography:1.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Auguero, Felipe and Jeffrey Stark, eds. 1998. Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America (Miami:University of Miami North-South Center Press).2.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Bamrud J. Contesting the ‘Washington Consensus’. The Latin Business Chronicle. Worldpress.org. February 25, 2002   http://www.worldpress.org/Americas/379.cfm (26 Nov 2005)3.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Cardoso, Fernando Henrique and Enzo Faletto. 1979. Dependency and Development in Latin America (Berkeley:University of California Press.4.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Carol Wise, Reinventing the State: Economic Strategy and Institutional Change in Peru, forthcoming. Chap.6   NEOLIBERALISM AND STATE RECONSTRUCTION 2001 (26 Nov 2005)5.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Chalmers, Douglas A., Scott B. Martin, and Kerianne Piester. 1997. â€Å"Associative Networks: New Structures ofRepresentation for the Popular Sectors?†, in Douglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vilas, Katherine Hite, Scott B.Martin, Kerianne Piester, and Monique Segarra, eds. The New Politics of Inequality in Latin America:Rethinking Participation and Representation (Oxford: Oxford University Press).6.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Collier and Collier. 1991. Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the LaborMovement, and Regime Dynamicsin Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press).7.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Conniff Michael L., Populism in Latin America, University of Alabama Press. Tuscaloosa, AL.: 1999.,8.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Conniff, Michael L., ed. 1982. Latin American Populism in Comparative Perspective (Albuquerque, NM: Universityof New Mex ico Press).9.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Crandall R. Latin America's Populist Temptation. In the national interest. The National Interest, The Nixon Center. (26 Nov 2005)10.   De la Torre, Carlos. 2000. Populist Seduction in Latin America: The Ecuadorian Experience (Athens, OH: OhioUniversity Center for International Studies).11.   Dornbush, Rudiger and Sebastian Edwards, eds. 1991. The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America (Chicago:University of Chicago Press).12.   Drake, Paul. 1982. â€Å"Conclusion: Requiem for Populism?†, in Michael L. Conniff, ed. Latin American Populism inComparative Perspective (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press).. 1991.13.   Drake, Paul. 1982. â€Å"Comment,† in Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards, eds. The Macroeconomics of Populism inLatin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).14.   Geddes, Barbara. 1994. Politician’s Dilemma: Building State Capacity in Latin America (Berkeley: University ofCaliforn ia Press).15.   Hagopian, Frances. 1998 â€Å"Democracy and Political Representation in Latin America in the 1990s: Pause,Reorganization, or Decline?†, in Felipe Aguero and Jeffrey Stark, eds. Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America (Miami: University of Miami North-South Center Press).16.   Hochstetler, Kathryn. 1997. â€Å"The Evolution of the Brazilian Environmental Movement and Its Political Roles,† inDouglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vilas, Katherine Hite, Scott B. Martin, Kerianne Piester, and MoniqueSegarra, eds. The New Politics of Inequality in Latin America: Rethinking Participation and Representation(Oxford: Oxford University Press).17.   Kay, Bruce H. (1996). â€Å"`Fujipopulism’ and the Liberal State in Peru, 1990-1995,† Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38, 4: 55-98.18.   Keck, Margaret E. and Kathryn Sikkink. 1998. Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in InternationalPolitics (Ithaca, NY: Corne ll University Pres).19.   Knight, Alan. 1998. â€Å"Populism and Neopopulism in Latin America, Especially Mexico.† Journal of Latin AmericanStudies 30, 2 (May): 223-248.20.   Levitsky, Steven. 1998. â€Å"Crisis, Party Adaptation and Regime Stability in Argentina: The Case of Peronism, 1989-1995.† Party Politics 4, 4: 445-470.21.   Lynch, Nicolà ¡s. 1999. â€Å"Neopopulismo, Un Concepto Vacà ­o.† Socialismo y Participacià ³n 86 (December): 63-80.22.   Mackinnon, Marà ­a Moira and Mario Alberto Petrone, eds. 1998. Populismo y Neopopulismo en Amà ©rica Latina: elProblema de la Cenicienta (Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires).23.   Mair, Peter. 1997. Party System Change: Approaches and Interpretations (Oxford: Clarendon Press).24.  Ã‚  Ã‚   McGuire, James W. 1997. Peronism without Perà ³n: Unions, Parties, and Democracy in Argentina (Stanford, Cal.:Stanford University Press).25.   Roberts K. Populism and Democracy in Latin Amer ica,World Politics 48, 1 (October): 82-116. p.16[1] Bamrud J. Contesting the ‘Washington Consensus’. The Latin Business Chronicle. Worldpress.org. February 25, 2002 < http://www.worldpress.org/Americas/379.cfm (26 Nov 2005) [2] Conniff Michael L., Populism in Latin America: Joel Horowitz, Populism and Its Legacies in Argentina, University of Alabama Press. Tuscaloosa, AL.: 1999., p. 22 [3] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 22 [4] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 25 [5] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 25 [6] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 29 [7] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 31 [8] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 34 [9] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 36 [10] Conniff Michael L., Populism in Latin America: Stein S. The Paths to Populism in Peru, University of Alabama Press. Tuscaloosa, AL.: 1999., p. 97 [11] Conniff    Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.98 [12] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.98 [13] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.98 [14] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.100 [15] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.100 [16] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.101 [17] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.102 [18] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.106 [19] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.107 [20] Roberts K. Populism and Democracy in Latin America, p.16 [21] Crandall R. Latin America's Populist Temptation. In the national interest. The National Interest, The Nixon Center. (26 Nov 2005)

Dudley Randalls Poem Ballad of Birmingham Essay examples

Dudley Randall was born on January 19, 1914 in Washington D.C. and died on August 2, 2000 in Southfield, Michigan. His mother Ada Viloa was a teacher and his father Arthur George Clyde Randall was a Congregational minister. His father was very much into politics because of that Dudley and his brother would listen to prominent black speakers. When Randall was about nine years old he and his family move to Detroit, Michigan in 1920. By the time he was thirteen he had his first poem published in the Detroit Free Press. At the age of sixteen he had graduated from high school. After graduation, he went to work for a blast furnace unit at a Ford Motor Company’ Rouge Plant. After working at Ford for five years Randall took a job with the†¦show more content†¦He could even translate Russian writing and experimented with a wide variety of styles in his poetry. Due to his many achievements Randall is considered one of our country’s greatest poets, publisher, and editor. â€Å"Ballad of Birmingham† The reason I chose the poem â€Å"Ballad of Birmingham† was because as I was reading the poem, it made me think of my children. As a mother, I always try to do the best for them, keeping them away from harm, and teaching them right from wrong. So I can understand why the mother wanted her daughter to go to church instead of marching the streets in protests. What happened in story The Ballad of Birmingham was a terrible tragedy story. Here we find a young girl getting ready to go out and march the streets in protests for the freedom of her country. When she asks her mother for permission, she was told that the streets are not a place for a little girl and instead is told to go to church. The mother knowing what danger lies in the streets during protest tells her daughter â€Å"No baby, no you may not go, For the dogs are fierce and wild, And clubs and hoses, guns, and jails Aren’t good for a little child†(Randall). She would rather see her child go to church, so the little girl got ready and was on her way. Her mother was glad to know that her child would be at a sacred place, but then the mother hearsShow MoreRelated Dudley Randalls Poem Ballad of Birmingham Essay593 Words   |  3 PagesDudley Randalls Poem Ballad of Birmingham The poem The Ballad of Birmingham, by Dudley Randall, is based on the historical event of the bombing in 1963 of Martin Luther King, Jr.s church by white terrorists. It is a poem in which a daughter expresses her interest in attending a civil rights rally and the mother fearful for her daughters safety refuses to let her go. In the poem the daughter in fighting for the course of the operessed people of her time/generation instead of going out toRead MoreThe Ballad Of Birmingham Poem1385 Words   |  6 Pageshas never met before. Imagine your child making world news and being put in history books because of the evil negligence of another fellow American. This reality was true for the families of the victims in the Ballad of Birmingham poem. In my opinion, this is a well structured essay by Dudley Randall which describes minutes before an innocent girl dies in one of the most unimaginable ways. I believe losing her child is a hard thing for a mother to go through. I enjoy the end rhyme and the abilityRead MoreA CONFIDENT BLACK MAN1264 Words   |  6 PagesConfident Black Man Dudley Felker Randall born in Washington, D.C., January 14, 1914. The Randall’s moved to Detroit when Dudley was nine years old. Randall’s earliest recollection of composing a poem was when his mother took him to a band concert. Randall s poetry is illustrated by simplicity and realism. Randall’s date of birth was January 14, 1914 in Washington D.C. He was the son of Arthur George Clyde a (Congressional Minister), and Ada Viola a teacher Randall. Randall’s family moved to DetroitRead MoreBallad Of Birmingham By Dudley Randall1549 Words   |  7 Pageslives of the citizens attending the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama. Four young black girls died in the bombing, inspiring poet Dudley Randall to write his powerful poem, â€Å"Ballad of Birmingham.† Through his poetry, Randall influenced change in the Civil Rights movement, and by owning the largest printing press of the 1960s, played a huge role in the Black Arts Movement. Dudley R andall’s ballad, â€Å"Ballad of Birmingham,† expresses his feelings of helplessness and sorrow after the tragicRead MoreA Historical Look Into the â€Å"Ballad of Birmingham1102 Words   |  5 PagesA Historical Look into the â€Å"Ballad of Birmingham The â€Å"Ballad of Birmingham is a shocking poem that was written by Dudley Randall about a bombing of an African American church in Birmingham, Alabama in 1963. The bombing of the church was racially motivated and resulted in the death of four innocent African American girls and was the turning point in the United States 1960s Civil Rights Movement. In Dudley’s poem he has taken such a sad event and turned it into a poem showing the racially motivatedRead MoreThe Ballad Of Birmingham, By Duley Randall1139 Words   |  5 PagesMany poems deal with the harsh realities of the death of a loved one and how those affected begin to heal as they work through the process of grieving. The Ballad of Birmingham, Eating Alone and Eating Together all portray individuals dealing with a devastating loss in their life, and the authors use their personal life experiences and views, incorporating them their writings. In The Ballad of Birmingham the author, Duley Randall, works to convey a tragic scene of loss. The event that RandallRead MoreUse Of Rhyme, Rhythm, Alliteration, And Assonance932 Words   |  4 Pagesthis stanza, and throughout the rest of the poem, the reader is better able to focus on the emotions and events that the words signify rather than become distracted by the words themselves. Furthermore, the use of rhyme, rhythm, alliteration, and assonance creates a singsong poem that is used to draw the reader in with empathy before being pushed out towards a common effect of conveying the violent terrors described in the poem’s closing stanza. The poem creates a singsong effect as first, it is writtenRead Moreâ€Å"Ballad of Birmingham† Explication Essay918 Words   |  4 PagesDudley Randall’s â€Å"Ballad of Birmingham† is a look into the effects of racism on a personal level. The poem is set in Alabama during the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. The tone of the title alludes to the city of Birmingham as a whole. The poem gives the reader, instead, a personal look into a tragic incident in the lives of a mother and her daughter. The denotation of the poem seems to simply tell of the sadness of a mother losing her child. The poem’s theme is one of guilt, irony, and the griefRead More The Ballad Essay1741 Words   |  7 PagesTh is essay is about the Ballad, contrasting how the ballad went from an oral tradition to the ballad form known today. The Ballad can be any narrative song, but in technical terms a ballad is a specific literary form. The word ballad comes from the Latin and Italian word â€Å"ballare,† meaning â€Å"to dance†. Collins, (1985). The second word translation of â€Å"ballade† comes from the French language and means dancing song. Oxford, (1995). Therefore a ballad is a song that tells a story, and was originallyRead MoreNight, by Eliezer Wiesel Essay1060 Words   |  5 Pagesas possible given the circumstance. His parents, anticipating the future, set up a way for their family to continue living well when they return. The burial of the money resembles a symbol of hope that they will return at all. In â€Å"Ballad of Birmingham† by Dudley Randall, the speaker also tries to do what she considers best for her daughter. After her daughter asks repeatedly to go march in the Freedom March, the mother answers, â€Å"No, baby, no, you may not go† (Randall 5 13), following with a